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1 The Historical Context of Augustine’s Preaching (상단의 다운로드1을 클릭하시면 됩니다)
2 Pagan Oratory
3 Training Preachers: De Doctrina Christiana
4 Interiority, Temporality, and Scripture
5 Case Study: Riches and Money
6 Case Study: Death and Resurrection
7 Case Study: Relationships
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2 Pagan Oratory Augustine holds a foundational place in the development of the Christian sermon. This is partly due to the fact that he began life as a professional teacher of rhetoric. His conversion led to him being changed from a professor of rhetoric into a Christian preacher. His unique experiences put him in the position of being able to offer self-conscious reflection upon the nature of preaching and its relationship to oration. The fruit of this is seen in De Doctrina Christiana, which will be considered in a subsequent chapter. Augustine knew well that there was debate about the relationship between pagan oratory and Christian thought; he mentioned Julius’ edict forbidding the teaching of rhetoric to Christians.1 When he heard the Manichee, Faustus, Augustine was initially impressed with his oratory, only to be disillusioned by the lack of underlying knowledge.2 As Augustine reviewed his secular career as an orator, he was hesitant about the profession’s value, writing “I was selling the skill of speaking, if it is possible to excel through being taught.”3 Augustine attempted to distinguish between good and bad uses of rhetoric: “ And without deceit I was teaching deceits, not that they might use these against the head of the innocent, but in due course on behalf of the head of the guilty.”4 The goal of this chapter is to help us understand how Augustine’s experiences of oratory prepared him to formulate the views on preaching which he developed. We shall first consider the contributions of five orators who in various ways impacted Augustine. We shall then attempt to extrapolate what secular oratory bequeathed to Augustine as a preacher. 1. conf. 8.10 (CCL 27, 119). 2. conf. 5.11–12 (CCL 27, 62). 3. “Ego uendebam dicendi facultatem, si qua docendo praestari potest.”, conf. 8.13 (CCL 27, 121). 4. “Et eos sine dolo docebam dolos, non quibus contra caput innocentis agerent, sed aliquando pro capite nocentis,” conf. 4.2 (CCL 27, 40). 23 How did pagan oratory seek to change people? To persuade and change people was the goal of oratory. Considerable effort was devoted by rhetoricians to considering the methods and morality of oratory. Augustine wrote harshly of his time as a professional orator in Confessiones and gave a more nuanced opinion in De Doctrina Christiana. That he reached the level of teaching rhetoric for a living suggests the extent of his immersion in the art. It may be that the disdain he expresses for oratory in Confessiones has led to its significance being passed over by modern interpreters. Peter Brown helpfully reminds us that Augustine’s educational background had deep consequences for his outlook; it focused his life upon words and eloquence.5 As we explore the debates had by pagan orators about how listeners may be changed, we hope to capture something of Augustine’s outlook as a pagan orator; his Christian preaching cannot be seen for what it was without due reference to pagan rhetoric. From the wide selection of sources which could be profitably studied, we have selected five who, in various ways, had substantive connections to Augustine, via quotation, influence, admiration or proximity. The most famous figure who influenced Augustine’s rhetoric was Cicero. However, we need to appreciate that Cicero himself embodied earlier orators’ insights. Augustine’s thought looked back “chronologically and intellectually to the pre-Christian world of Cicero, Augustine’s principal model, but Cicero himself enshrined a generic retrospection.”6 For this reason, not only Cicero but also earlier orators whom he engaged with contributed to Augustine’s views of rhetoric. Cicero’s retrospective embodiment of other orators’ insights means that we must, in due course, consider some of his most important interlocutors: Gorgias and Plato. GORGIAS ( (483–375 B.C.E.) Gorgias may be presented as merely glorying in the brute power of words to overcome opposition;7 he did indeed write “Speech is a powerful ruler.”8 However, The Encomium of Helen suggests that Gorgias did not merely present 5. Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo (London: Faber & Faber, 2000), 36–7. 6. Catherine Conybeare, “The Duty of a Teacher: Liminality and Disciplina in Augustine’s De Ordine,” in Augustine and the Disciplines, from Cassiciacum to Confessions, ed. K. Pollmann and Mark Vessey (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 50. 7. Colin Higgins, “Gorgias,” in The Sophists: An Introduction, ed. Patricia O’ Grady (London: Duckworth, 2008); Soteroula Constantinidou, Logos into Mythos: The Case of Gorgias’ Encomium of Helen (Athens: Institut...
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3 Training Preachers: De Doctrina De Doctrina Christiana Christiana Let him learn without pride, and as one through whom another is taught, without pride or envy may he hand on what he has received.1 This chapter is a study of De Doctrina. Our attempt to expose the undergirding doctrinal assumptions of Augustine’s preaching would be incomplete without a consideration of this extremely rich book. De Doctrina was the first (and remains one of the most stimulating) Christian writings on the task of preaching. Having explored some of the background and context to Augustine’s preaching, we now consider his own explanations of the task of understanding and preaching Scripture. Though short, De Doctrina is a dense work. We cannot aim to do more than outline how our terms of investigation feature here, and suggest how they may be helpful in appreciating Augustine’s doctrine of preaching. Along the way, we will attempt to show that our reading does more to explain Augustine’s practice than simply assessing the extent to which he was indebted to pagan rhetoric. It is hoped that this chapter is a compelling reading of De Doctrina which coheres with our study and lays foundations for our hermeneutical keys of interiority and temporality. Though it cannot claim to be an exhaustive treatment of De Doctrina, out of this study will come our more precise configuration of interiority and temporality in Chapter Four. 1. “Sine superbia discat et, per quem docetur alius, sine superbia et sine inuidia tradat quod accepit.” doctr. Chr. prooem. 5 (SIM 10, 59). 51 The Significance of DE DOCTRINA De Doctrina is one of the most studied texts in the Augustinian corpus.2 Kannengiesser regards it as the theoretical foundation of Augustine’s approach to doctrine,3 influencing medieval4 and later5 hermeneutics. The first authentic writing of Augustine to be printed on a printing press was De Doctrina IV in 1465 by John Mentelinus in Strasbourg.6 Augustine began writing De Doctrina as soon as he was ordained bishop.7 One of the most striking features of the work is the thirty-year hiatus Augustine left between writing Books 1–3 (c.e. 396) and Book 4 (c.e. 426). He lived a frenetic life and often paused his writing to attend to another matter. However, the normal pressures of his ministry do not account adequately for such a long pause in writing. Augustine revealed in correspondence that around the time he began De Doctrina, he thought that he understood enough Scripture for himself, but not enough to teach others.8 That being the case, it is reasonable to conclude that a sense of his own inexperience in preaching led Augustine to pen the three books on understanding Scripture, but to refrain from composing the fourth book on preaching what was understood. If this is a reasonable deduction, then two observations may be made: first, it would seem likely that a major reason Augustine wrote De Doctrina was to aid the training of preachers; second, he thought that his knowledge of secular rhetoric was insufficient to prepare him for that task. Thirty years of preaching the Scriptures would be a greater qualification. This interpretation of De Doctrina as primarily aimed at training preachers has been suggested by several scholars such as O’Donnell, who observes that it 2. Drobner, Hubertus R. "Studying Augustine: An Overview of Recent Research," in Augustine and His Critics: Essays in Honour of Gerald Bonner, ed. by Robert Dodaro and George Lawless (London and New York: Routledge, 2002),, ch. 3, p. 18–34. and Frederick Van Fleteren, “Comments on a Recent Edition of De Doctrina Christiana,” Augustinian Studies 34, no. 1 (2003), 126–37. 3. Charles Kannengiesser, Handbook of Patristic Exegesis: The Bible in Ancient Christianity, vol. 2 (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 1149. 4. E.D. English, ed., Reading and Wisdom: The De Doctrina Christiana of Augustine in the Middle Ages (Notre Dame: Notre Dame Press, 1995). 5. Duane W.H. Arnold and Pamela Bright, ed., De Doctrina Christiana: A Classic of Western Culture (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1995). 6. Thérèse Sullivan, “S. Aureli Augustini Hipponiensis Episcopi De Doctrina Christiana Liber Quartus: A Commentary, with a Revised Text, Introduction and Translation” (PhD, The Catholic University of America, 1930), 1. 7. Carol Harrison, “De Doctrina Christiana,” New Blackfriars 87, no. 1008 (2006), 121. 8. Ep. 21. (CSEL 34, 1) 52 | Augustine’s Theology of Preaching “has been a silent authority for much of the best...